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context. Speci cally, they used falling intonation to indicate a request (e.g. whether the customers wanted gravy on their meat). Although customers ascribed particular meaning to such intonation, this represented the normal way for questions to be asked in those cultures, and no rudeness or indifference was intended. While miscommunications in brief encounters may be tedious or annoying, in forensic contexts they can impact the outcome of the interview process and the case in general. This is because gaze and other non-verbal behaviours can in uence a professional s judgement of how credible, dominant or competent an interviewee is. In a study by Winkel and Vrij (1990), two actors (one white and one non-white) were required to play the role of a suspect being interviewed by a police of cer. In one interview, both actors were trained to display gaze behaviour typical of white people, and in the other interview, they were required to display gaze behaviour typical of non-white people. Dutch police of cers who observed these video-recordings rated the interviewees who displayed the gaze behaviour typical of non-white people as more tense, uncooperative and suspect . This perception would have deleterious effects on the way these interviewees would subsequently be treated by the police. Strong preconceptions or bias about an alleged offender s guilt leads investigative interviewers to employ more persuasive, leading, and manipulative questioning tactics which might contaminate the statement and/or impinge on the interviewee s voluntariness or appear to (Pearse and Gudjonsson, 1999). In a therapeutic setting, misinterpretations of silence, eye-gaze and subtle listening attention cues may result in distrust, resentment and/or hypervigilence which would be detrimental to any therapist client alliance.

The direct effects of the re on the monitored cottonwood trees were estimated based on the amount of char in three regions of the tree: the root crown, the trunk, and the canopy (Stuever, 1997; Ellis, 2001). As expected, all cottonwoods at Burn-1 were heavily charred in all recorded variables, with no trees retaining green leaves in the canopy immediately after the re, or producing canopy leaves during the subsequent two years (Table 3-1). Thus, top-kill was complete at this high-severity re, and this supports similar ndings by Stuever (1997) in the Albuquerque area. In contrast, although the three cottonwoods at Burn-2 in high-severity areas were also completely charred, trees in the moderate to light re severity categories were less extensively burned (Table 3-1). Further, six of the monitored trees (12 percent) at Burn-2 retained green leaves in the canopy after the re; these trees were all located along the channel where re severity was lowest and where litter accumulations prior to the re had also been lowest. By two years after the re, two of these trees no longer produced green leaves in the canopy, so that top-kill at Burn-2 was 94 percent for all trees; however, for trees in the light-severity category, top-kill

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symptoms of neuropathy due to segmental demyelination are most evident distally in the limbs, why the legs and feet are more affected than the arms and hands, and why the distal deep tendon re exes (which require synchronous neurotransmission from stretch receptors in the muscle to the spinal cord and back again to the muscle the re ex arc) are frequently lost in patients with peripheral neuropathy. The peripheral nerve pathology may predominantly affect sensory axons, motor axons, or all axons. Accordingly, the patient s symptoms and signs may be distal and sensory in the limbs, distal and motor in the limbs, or a combination of both. They are shown in greater detail in Fig. 10.6.

Although an offender s consistency is one of the starting points for empirically based models of investigative inference, in order to use these models operationally it is also necessary to have some indication of how offenders can be distinguished from each other. If every offender were consistent in the same way then the A C equations would provide characteristics that were the same for every offender. In part this re ects a debate within criminology about whether offenders are typically specialist or versatile in their patterns of offending (Britt, 1996; Klein, 1984). Research tackling this problem has tended to support the contention that the majority of chronic criminals will commit a wide range of crimes and thus cannot be considered specialist, thereby making differentiating inferences extremely dif cult. However, current research is suggesting that it is possible to model offender s behaviour in terms of both those aspects that they share with most other criminals and those aspects that are more characteristic of them. It is these rarer, distinguishing, features that may provide a productive basis for differentiating inferences.

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